Wednesday, October 30, 2019

Interaction Project Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Interaction Project - Essay Example It would be vital for us to understand first the laws regarding marijuana use in Colorado before reviewing Congressman Polis views. The Colorado state allows adults aged 21 years and above to possess only 28 grams of Marijuana or THC. This applies to both residents and non-residents. Also, non-residents would not be able to purchase more than 7 grams in a single transaction. The operating hours of marijuana stores according to the state is from 8am to midnight, however, cities have the power to set their own hours but within those allowed by the state. One is not allowed to consume marijuana openly and publicly. It’s also an offence to drive under influence of marijuana, transporting and exporting marijuana, and to possess marijuana in federal land. Adults can only grow 6 marijuana plants [C]. That said, I was privileged to schedule a meeting with the Congressman Polis to discuss more on the matter. As per the policies I conversed with the congressman through e-mail at first, where he agreed for a face to face interview at the Fort Collins Office [A].Polis would like Marijuana to be removed from the Controlled Substance Act and make it to be regulated the way Alcohol is regulated. Polis bold move to legalize marijuana is inspired by the following major factors. First, marijuana is known for its medicinal value. However, on this matterfurther scientific research needs to be done to examine its long-term effects. Polis also argues that, there is substantial evidenceproving that by regulating marijuana just like alcohol would keep away marijuana from our children. Also, this means cartels and criminals would be out of business, hence growing the state’s economy through the various taxation levies. According to Polis the existing prohibition policies have failed to address the needs of citizens and regulation of marijuana like alcohol is the way

Monday, October 28, 2019

The Gendering of International Conflict

The Gendering of International Conflict The Gendering of International Conflict International conflict, and the military culture and machine that drives it, emanates from the patriarchal power structure of our society. While many consider this to be an unchallengeable or inevitable component of human culture, recent application of feminist discourse to international conflicts reveals not only the inevitable links between military response to conflict and hegemonic masculinity, but also suggests alternative constructs for both dealing with conflict and preventing military intervention and war. Tickner (1999) and others present the dangers of the traditional stereotypical view of men as warriors and aggressive and women as peacemakers and passive. Masculinity is often defined as what is not feminine, and femininity as what is not masculine, although understanding the dynamics of one requires considering both the workings of the other and the relationship and overlap between the two (Cohn and Enloe 2003). Militarism gets defined as masculine, based on domination and violence, and peacemaking gets defined as feminine, based on compassion and passitivity (Rabrenovic and Roskos 2001, 47). This causes forms of addressing conflict in any way other than a military or masculine response to be seen as feminine or a threat to manhood (Moylan 2003). For example, Cohn and Enloe (2003) consider why military response seemed by so many to be the only possible response to the September 11 attacks in the United States. The seemingly self-evident (to a lot of people) need to strike back is partly based on the assumption that it will work' (Cohn and Enloe 2003, 1203). There exists an old but dangerous assumption by many in power that violence will simply be more effective than a negotiated political solution or a response based on the enforcement of national or international law or on economic actions (Cohn and Enloe 2003, 1204). Cohn (2003) comments that she believes responding to violence with violence is an outflow of the interwoven ideas of national security and appropriate masculinity that dominate our political and cultural thought. Riddick agrees that the effectiveness of violent response is consistently overrated, with the costs of military response consistently underestimated (Cohn and Riddick 2002). The hegemonic man, favourin g action over relationship, responds to the threat of violence or conflict with a response that reinforces the idea of the male role as protector and emphasises physical strength. This masculinisation of military action, though strongly dominant both historically and cross-culturally, not only prevents the consideration of alternate and possibly more effective responses to conflict, but also damages the psyche of those it indoctrinates. The idea that the military will make you a man reinforces the concept that only one version of manhood is socially acceptable. The concept of hegemonic masculinity was originally introduced by R.W. Connell. He argues that at any given historical moment, there are many different masculinities, not only one but the hegemonic one (or ones) is the most valued one, the ideal (Cohn and Weber 1999, 461). This construct juxtaposes the ideal man not only against anything perceived as feminine, but also against other masculinities (Cohn and Weber 1999). It gives men who are able to conform to the single or few definitions of appropriate manhood the power to dominate both women and men outside this definition in their society. Over time, it is the men who succeed within such systems that consolidate their power, at the expense of other members of society; unfortunately the men do so at the expense of limiting their future response options to those that fit the hegemonic male construct to which they have succumbed. Men in positions of world leadership, typically products of this conformist environment, are then unable to consider national responses to international conflict outside their conditioned, action-focused response. Cohn and Enloe (1999), critiquing the film Saving Private Ryan, examine this military and cultural on the soldier, and all acceptable men in society, as real men. The underlying messages of the movie, they feel, are the perceived need for men to separate themselves from everything feminine. Masculine and feminine are two distinct constructs, without shared components (Tickner 1999). When feminine sentiments or responses are allowed in a conflict situation, the result is death. This squelching or compartmentalisation of â€Å"feminine† responses, emotions, and reactions from a position other than aggressive action threaten the very lives of not only the man who has â€Å"failed† at being a real man, but also the lives of all those around him. For example, in the movie a young, rather effeminate American compassionately allows a German soldier to go free rather than killing him in cold blood. The German later returns to kill soldiers in the Americans company. The message is that men have to make sacrifices for the good of the nation, and women and feminine sentiment are the polluting elements that prevent that from happening (Cohn and Weber 1999, 466). This skews the view of war and conflict to being a wholly male construct, with little consideration to the wants, needs, and viewpoints of women in conflictual situations. Service to the country, honour in battle, loyalty to one’s fellow soldiers, and the ability to face terrifying and potentially deadly situations with courage and fearlessness are the signs of both a successful soldier and a successful man (Cohn and Weber 1999). The view of war as destructive, both to the countries that wage it, the soldiers who fight in it, and the civilians who suffer through it, becomes a secondary image of military action. The desire to find a way of resolving the issues at hand through negotiation, dialogue, and understanding is devalued and rejected (Ruddick 1989). Women remain those less likely to cause war and violence, most likely to suffer from it in their own homes and communities, and the least valued in terms of the development of effective systems for conflict resolution. Rabrenovic and Roskos (2001) also point out that while war offers some men both new career opportunities and increased power, women typically are not afforded such benefits, but rather face â€Å"the disruption of services, the shortage of necessary resources, the loss of men’s contribution to the household, as well as the every-present worry for safety of their children† (Rabrenovic and Roskos 2001, 48). Therefore resolution of the conflict may jeopardise economic and political standing for some men, particularly those in charge of military operations. Women, on the other hand, are more likely to benefit from and therefore pursue peaceful resolutions of conflict involving cooperation and compromise (Rabrenovic and Roskos 2001). Male leaders in a military conflict typically strive to end it through â€Å"winning,† or achieving a cease-fire agreement which results in increase in their own power and the power of their nation (Rabrenovic and Roskos 2001). They are l ess likely to focus on a means of resolution that most easily accommodates rebuilding the countries impacted by the war, or on establishing systems and practices that enable the use of non-violent alternatives to preventing future conflict (Rabrenovic and Roskos 2001). Feminist discourse contends that international conflict does not require an automatic move to military, violent, or force-based response (Rabrenovic and Roskos 2001). Reardon (1993) envisions true peace as deriving from â€Å"relationships amongst people and nations based on trust, cooperation, and recognition of the interdependence and importance of the common good and mutual interests of all peoples† (4-5). It is not sufficient to simply include women in political and power systems designed by and for men, which therefore use a highly masculinised response mechanism for addressing world issues (Scott 1988, Moylan 2003). Rather, women must be both brought into the decision-making and system developing processes and empowered to include alternative perspectives and means of addressing, conflict, war, and peace. Many women’s organisations have attempted to suggest alternate resolution and conflict prevention strategies from their traditional positions as mothers (Ruddick 1989). This shifts motherhood from a private to a public activity, allowing women and women’s organisations to engage in political and peace strategy discourse and challenge typical and assumed conflict resolution activities. The recent UN resolution 1325 â€Å"makes gender a routinely considered component in the full range of work undertaken by the Security Council† (Cohn, Kinsella and Gibbings 2004, 131). However, there is a significant difference between the simple inclusion of women and gender considerations in international policy and process, and the significant shift in systems called for by the full inclusion of feminist theory in the realm of international conflict. Rabrenovic and Roskos (2001) contend that women â€Å"must persist in gaining greater visibility for women’s peace-work and feminist insights on peacemaking and noting that in the context of unravelling the dynamics of war-making, women have not made sufficient progress† (42). Strong and widespread resistance remains the common response in most countries to any questioning of the use of force as a legitimate response to conflict or manifestation of power (Rabrenovic and Roskos 2001). An additional consideration is the different manifestations of feminism and feminist thought in different cultures. There are a number of worthy feminist thinkers outside the privileged Western realm that is published or given voice in media outlets (Sylvester 1999). Elshtain (2001) examines the different practises and goals of women’s groups in a number of countries, many of which are not in line with the brand of feminism promoted in the West. In Prague, for example, feminists contended â€Å"we want to emphasise concrete problems, not ideologies† (Elshtain 2001, 546). After years of forced involvement in the workforce and requirements to place their children in poorly run state-sponsored day cares, women in Czechoslovakia valued the choice they now have to work or stay home, and considered this at odds to discourse they had encountered from Europe and the United States (Elshtain 2001). Feminists in Palestine were perplexed by the West’s emphasis on freedom, bu t perceived unwillingness to promote the freedom of the Palestinian people. Women there also were confused by comments of several American feminist theorists who viewed head scarves as a form of oppression, which the Palestinian women who wear them do not (Elshtain 2001). It is important, therefore, to concentrate on vital and universal feminist values, viewpoints and aims rather than be distracted by issues not considered important to women in the cultures where the issues exist. Women worldwide should be aware of their options, but encouraged to live from the cultural construct they personally value, and impact their society from this construct. At the same time, Moylan (2003) noted that when men become uncomfortable in viewing power structures and response mechanisms, often feeling a threat to their manhood, â€Å"many women will work to end the men’s discomfort by agreeing with them rather than by expecting them to explore the reasons why they are uncomfortable (571). This leads to a perpetualisation of the very power structures and response mechanisms that need to be challenged. Cohn and Enloe (2003) ask what it takes to â€Å"genuinely demilitarise a society† (1189). First, cultures must allow for separation of hegemonic masculinity, manhood, and the use of force. This is beginning to happen in some areas of the world, where alternate life choices are increasingly tolerated and even valued. â€Å"Gender analysis and gender disaggregated data must be used to bring women’s experiences to the forefront of the conversation and eventually to recast the very meanings of the topics under negotiation, in this case to challenge the very meaning of war and peace† (Scott 1988, 3). This will cause distress to many in the patriarchal power structure that dominates our world organisations. However, with perseverance, the reward of a world where military action and war are not the typical response to international conflict, where men are empowered to express various versions of masculinity, rather than being forced into a hegemonic construct, and wher e women are both participants in the actions and the creation of international policy and practises is well worth the effort. REFERENCES Cohn, C., Enloe, C. 2003. A conversation with Cynthia Enloe: Feminists Look at Masculinity and the Men Who Wage War. Journal of Women in Culture and Society, vol. 28, no. 4, pp. 1187-1207. Cohn, C., Kinsella, H., Gibbings, S. 2004. Women, Peace and Security. International Feminist Journal of Politics, vol. 6, no. 1, March 2004, pp. 130-140. Cohn, C., Weber, C. 1999. Missions, Men and Masculinities. International Feminist Journal of Politics, vol. ?, no. ?, ? 1999, pp. 460-475. Elshtain, J.B. 2001. Exporting Feminism. Journal of International Affairs, Winter 1995, vol. 48, no. 2, pp. 541-558. Moylan, P. 2003. Teaching Peace: The Challenge of Gendered Assumptions. Peace and Change, vol. 28, no. 4, October 2003, pp. 570-574. Rabrenovic, G., Roskos, L. 2001. Introduction: Civil Society, Feminism, and the Gendered Politics of War and Peace. NWSA Journal, vol. 13, no. 2, Summer, pp. 40-54. Reardon, B. 1993. Women and Peace: Feminist Visions of Global Security. State University of New York Press, Albany. Ruddick, S. 1989. Maternal Thinking: Toward a Politics of Peace. Beacon Press, Boston. Scott, J.W. 1988. Gender and the Politics of History. Columbia University Press, New York. Sylvester, C. 1999. Bringing Philosophy to Feminism and Peace. Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, vol. 5, no. 4, pp. 377-379. Tickner, A.J. 1999. Why Women Can’t Run the World: International Politics According to Francis Fukuyama. International Studies Review, vol. 1, no. 3, pp. 3–11.

Friday, October 25, 2019

Role of Prisons in Reducing Recidivism Essay -- Argumentative Persuasi

Role of Prisons in Reducing Recidivism The role of prisons and prison wardens in reducing recidivism is a major concern today. With programs initialized in the prison systems, recidivism rates still have stayed about the same for forty years. Almost two-thirds of prisoners will be arrested after their release, and of those, half will return to prison for a new crime. The obstacle faced by professionals to change behavior is a multi-layered complex problem that needs to be addressed in our society today. Different views and opinions are given, and they do not lesson the impact of each other, but a multi-dimensional program should be utilized to achieve the goal of recidivism. Professor Alex Holsinger of the University of Missouri states that each individual has a responsibility for his or her behavior and not to look at the penal system for absolute rehabilitation. The recidivism studies tend to clump entire criminal behavior into one study and do not look at all the different criminal offenses separately. For example, chronic drunk driving behavior and shoplifting behavior s...

Thursday, October 24, 2019

Codes of Laws

Codes of laws After reading material chapter 1 of (Identifying and exploring security essentials) it says the following about the laws of where and when each law originated. The different laws include: The Code of Hammurabi, Draco’s law, Law of the Twelve Tables, Justinian Code, Magna Carta, and Statue of Westminster. The Babylonian Code of Hammurabi was developed by King Hammurabi in 1750 B. C. This Code had 282 clauses that regulated many issues that include different obligations and rights, to theft and debt. Barbaric punishments were used when the laws of this code were broken.I think many people believe this Code is more of revenge toward the offender, rather than an appropriate punishment but some people also believe that revenge is the same thing as punishment. Draco’s Laws (621 BC) were the first laws written in Greece and introduced the notion that the state is to punish a person. Death was the penalty for many offenses which is why it is names after draconian; which describes an unusually harsh law. The laws of the twelve tables (450 BC) were written by ten Roman men to govern the Romans, which formed the foundation of modern public and private law.There were originally ten laws and two statutes were added later. This organized a way so crime could be prosecuted publicly and victims could seek compensation. Roman law was that the law must be written; judges alone were not permitted to interpret alone. The Justinian Code (AD 529) was named after an Emperor of Byzantium, Justinian, whom codified a series of books called, â€Å"Corpus Juris Civilis†. He had an impact on modern concept of justice. This formed the foundation of civil law; one of the two main legal systems.In Westminster Abbey AnalysisMagna Carta was created by King John (1199-1216) in 1215 which was the high point of the Middle Ages. Magna Carta established English â€Å"Due Process†. There were 61 clauses; the most important is considered to be: â€Å"No freem an shall be captured or imprisoned†¦except by lawful judgment of his peers or by the law of his land†. Due Process became a foundation for the modern US justice system. Statute of Westminster (1285) was created in England by King Edward which forced citizens to become involved in crime prevention and apprehension.There were 3 practical measures: (1) the watch and ward, (2) hue and cry, (3) assize of arms. Selected night watch men or bailiffs were put to maintain order and prevent crime according to the watch and ward. A hue and cry is by command of the constable to require every citizen to pursue a felon if a felony had been committed. To establish the hue and cry, assize of arms required all males between 15 and 60 to keep a weapon in their home. All of the laws that were created and set in the past have molded what our country has established today.It has been set forth since the earliest of the laws that all men and women are created equally and if a crime is committed then there are definite consequences. Without the history of law, there would be no foundation, no reasoning. The need for private and public security is steadily increasing and crime and technology increase. The smarted we become, the more we endanger ourselves in a way. There will always be all types of crime, so protecting us all the way around is being proactive. References Clifford, M. (2004). Identifying and exploring security essentials. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Prentice Hall.

Wednesday, October 23, 2019

A&P- Critical Analysis

I have chosen to write about the short story â€Å"A&P. † The story takes place in 1961 in a small town of New England, which has a small grocery store named A&P grocery store. The town contains very less population. From the setting, I came to a conclusion that the town was a very low maintenance town where everybody knows everybody (very tight community) with mostly old school beliefs and structures (religious beliefs, dress code, ethical values, morals). The town was visited by tourists for a very short period of time, who come to live for a while and can be said that they disturb with their own outside culture. The main character Sammy is nineteen, works or was working as we can say after the story, as a checker or observer at the local A&P store. (Alexadrov and Petrooshki Tea Company) The life of Sammy changes suddenly as one day three scantily clad young women enter the grocery store to buy some eateries. The women were wearing swim suits as they were coming from the beach, which was across the store. At this time, Sammy introduces his co cashier â€Å"Stokesie†, who was married and had two children. Because of attire of the trio women, everybody stared at them as they were contrast to the interiors of the store. Sammy being overwhelmed by seeing the trio women in the store, he even watches the expressions of the customers as they lay their eyes on women, which is being a guy/man and living in sort of a small town myself and you know all the girls . They are either taken or you just are not interested in them. Sammy tells everyone was overwhelmed seeing them because they were different as they were not seen before by anyone in the town. As said â€Å"everyone knows everyone†, the women were not familiar in town and this made everyone to attract themselves to women. This made to build a thought of â€Å"Wow, I have got to talk to her. Sammy thought only he has a chance to talk with them as Stokesie’s is married, with two children already. Even though Stokesie’s is married, Sammy tells even he was thinking of marrying those women knowing nothing about them. During last section of the story, Sammy quits his job over the women who came to the store. The reason he decided to quit can be understood as Sammy wanted to represent his manliness and bravery to the women. Sammy could not tolerate the way his superior was trying to confront the young ladies on what they were wearing in this time and a place of small town, which was embarrassing for those women to flaunt. The trio women were said to pay and leave quickly by the manager, which was the moment at which Sammy immediately thought of leaving the job without any second thought of what he was doing and what were the circumstances he has to face in near future. The action of Sammy can be explained as bravery, to attract the women by leaving his job for them, to stand up to his superior, risk his job, and also making a scene (which was not required). The only thing Sammy expected from the women was hell of a first impression. Author failed to explain any past experiences at the store that might have led Sammy to think of leaving the job. Assumptions like Sammy might have been fed up with his work and thought this moment as a chance to quit the job and look tough and manly, also attracting the queen of the group and the group of women themselves. Sammy wished to go out with the women but the story tells that he never looked back which was a very stupid action because, he could not meet the women if he was not looking back at the women and the whole thing done for them was going waste. In my view, it was very unreasonable to quit the job that too in a state of never getting it back just for the sake of couple of girls was very unreasonable and unnecessary as the story tells that Sammy had to look after his parents. If I was Sammy, I don’t care how awful the job was as I had to take care of my family, and help them financially. I did not cared about the women, besides how much beautiful and attractive the women were. I would have not argued and left the work in a state of getting it back impossibly just for proving something to the opposite sex. As the place was very small, even the opportunities of employment I think would be very difficult and if Sammy leaves his job for the silly reasons explained, the total life of Sammy would be in trouble along with their family and their financial status. I chose this story for the fact that the story imposes the mistake most of the people do in their life just by taking unreasonable decisions which don’t have any advantages but affects the life of the individual and sometimes their related people very badly. The mistakes can be categorized into unfortunate mistakes, but their effect shown in very near future. The mistakes done make us deny how one event leads to another and also shows the carelessness out actions are while doing things. The story ends by making Sammy realise of how his life will change after his unreasonable decisions taken with no thought imposed on the decisions. The story tells a moral that â€Å"the decisions taken with stupid reasons may not have immediate results but will have huge effect on life in near future†. The moral is very near to the butterfly effect, which explains that hurricanes are in even possible far away from where the butterfly flaps its wings.